FOR Communication 34/2019: Morawiecki' s policy speech: a review of statements and announcements | 2019-11-25more
In his policy speech Mateusz Morawiecki largely repeated his standard narrative about the messianic role of Law and Justice in the history of the Third Republic of Poland. The opportunity ("historical moment") faced by Poland in 1989 was "only partially seized". What is worse, "neoliberalism caused a conceptual confusion and a mess in the value system".
FOR Communication 33/2019: The Disciplinary Chamber and the new National Council of the Judiciary under the EU pillory: the consequences of the CJEU judgment of 19 November 2019 | 2019-11-22more
The ruling of the EU Court of Justice (CJEU) concerning the Disciplinary Chamber and the new National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) is another ruling concerning changes in the Polish judiciary in recent years. It answers only some of the doubts, and further answers are expected in 2020.
FOR Communication 31/2019: How Seriously Does the Government Treat Taxpayers and the Expenditure Rule? | 2019-10-30more
After the election campaign, the Law and Justice Party stopped pretending that the 2020 budget would be deficit-free, starting a discussion on its amendment. The implementation of the new election promises will be difficult to reconcile with the existing spending rule, but there have already been voices offering it to be softened, such as Prof. Łukasz Hardt of the Monetary Policy Council.
Karolina Wąsowska: Law and Justice’s Concentrated Power over Polish Prosecutors, 4Liberty.eu | 2019-10-21more
On July 8, 2019, prosecutor Mariusz Krasoń was relocated from the Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Cracow, Poland, to the District Prosecutor’s Office in Wrocław-Krzyki, which is almost 300 km away, and two positioned levels lower in the hierarchy. The Justice Defense Committee (KOS) indicates that in May 2019, prosecutor Krasoń initiated a resolution of the Assembly of the Regional Prosecutor’s Office in Cracow.
Agata Stremecka: Beyond populism: European politics in an age of fragmentation and disruption, American Enterprise Institute | 2019-10-16more
With contributions from Ismaël Emelien, Karin Svanborg-Sjövall and Andreas Johansson Heinö, and Agata Stremecka
Since 2016, concern over the resurgence of illiberal populist political parties and movements has been palpable in Europe and the United States. The election of Donald Trump, the United Kingdom’s referendum to leave the European Union, and the electoral advances of far-right parties in many European states, including France and Germany, created the sense that populist parties were a new, unstoppable political force in democratic politics.1 Yet in 2019, the notion that populist parties are the future of European politics seems far less certain.
Since coming to power in 2015, Poland’s ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has captured state institutions, attacked the independence of the courts and violated the basic norms of the legislative process.
Despite these controversial moves, the government has maintained a high level of support among Polish voters. In large part, that’s because the Polish economy is still surprisingly strong.